It is with deep sadness that we announce the sudden passing away of Rio Kariuki at the age of 19 at his home in London on 09th December 2021. Rio was a caring and loving son and brother who will be missed heavily by many he is the son of Lucy Wanjiku Kariuki of Barnet, London, United Kingdom, he was the younger sibling to Peter Kariuki, Brian Kariuki, Claudia Kariuki and O’Neil Rwehumbiza.
We are making arrangements to take Rio’s body home to Kenya where he will be laid next to his grandparents, at Riverside Farm, Plot 214 Muruaki Scheme on 21st January 2022.
Further announcements will be made regarding the church service in the UK in due course.
We appreciate your prayers, well wishes and support during this difficult season for the family, A golden heart stopped beating, A laughing smile at rest, It broke our hearts to see you go, God only takes the best.
We love you Rio forever and always.
Families and friends who wish to make contributions can do so through the following account:
Account Name: Ms L Kariuki
Account Number: 34378363
Account Sort-code: 23-05-80.
For more information please contact email@example.com
Sad to announce the Death of former London Journalist Gitau wa Njenga in Kenya.
An officer sorts Huduma cards at the National Registration Bureau in Nyeri town on April 28, 2021.
The controversial biometric identification scheme or Huduma Namba will replace the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) PIN in changes to the law that are designed to check tax cheats.
The government-backed Huduma Namba Bill, 2021 amends the Tax Procedure Act to make biometric ID the key number for identifying taxpayers.
This means that children offered the Huduma Namba ID will automatically be listed as taxpayers once they attain 18 years and required to file returns annually irrespective of their income status.
It also means that all adults will be required to register with the KRA, offering the taxman a larger pool of people than the 5.5 million that it has netted through the returns.
Filling tax returns has emerged as one of the taxman’s preferred ways to net tax cheats and
grow the income tax segments amid struggles to meet collection targets.
New Huduma Namba listing pushes cost to Sh10.6bn
The State is seeking to net individuals who have evaded paying taxes by requiring that the Huduma Namba serves as KRA personal identification number (PIN).
The number of taxpayers who filed returns in the year to June were 5.5 million while official data shows that Kenyans above 18 years are 25.64 million.
“Huduma Namba assigned to an individual under the Huduma Act, 2021 shall serve as PIN for the purpose of tax law,” the Bill, which is set for formal introduction in Parliament this afternoon states.
If it sails through, the KRA will be required to activate tax obligation of every citizen above the age of 18 years who is not registered as a taxpayer.
The law requires anyone with a PIN to file tax returns irrespective of their employment status.
Children who have enrolled into the National Integrated Identity Management System (NIIMS) or Huduma Namba will by default be registered as a taxpayer upon hitting 18 years.
The Bill requires that upon enrolment of a newborn or any other child, a certificate of birth containing Huduma Namba shall be generated from the NIIMS database.
“On completion of initial enrolment of resident individuals under the Huduma Act, the Commissioner (KRA) shall activate tax obligation of every resident individual above the age of eighteen years not registered as a taxpayer,” the Bill states in consequential amendments to several Acts of Parliament.
Kenyan adults will need this new ID to access government services, such as getting treatment at State hospitals, marrying or filing tax returns.
The government suffered a setback after the High Court declared this biometric ID scheme illegal and ordered the State to make it compatible with new data protection laws.
This is what has prompted the raft of changes to the Huduma Namba Bill, 2021 to include the replacement of the KRA PIN.
Sensitive information such as contact details, fingerprints and a person’s profession was collected in 2019. The idea was to integrate all the data the government has about an individual on various systems under one overarching ID number. The judges ruled the move was constitutional as long as that information was properly protected.
As extensive personal details would be available at the click of a button, they said that Kenyans would be at risk of suffering irreversible damage if the information was misused.
The Bill now ropes in the provisions of the Data Protection Act in the processing of personal data under Huduma Namba.
Under the Data Protection Act, a public officer who shares personal data with a third party without permission risks a fine of Sh500,000 or two years in jail or both.
The Bill imposes a Sh5 million fine or five years imprisonment to individuals who unlawfully and intentionally disclose and disseminate Huduma Namba information.
Faced with missed revenue targets, the taxman has in recent years stepped up the war on tax cheats following a presidential directive in November 2018 to investigate wealthy individuals whose lifestyles did not match their tax filings.
The KRA is racing to bring more people into the tax bracket and curb tax cheating and evasion in the quest to meet targets.
The KRA last year said that its intelligence unit had identified wealthy individuals and businesses holding Sh259 billion in unpaid taxes, setting the stage for property seizures, prosecutions and other enforcement actions.
The onslaught on tax cheats received a major boost last year after the High Court ruled that the taxman had powers to compel taxpayers to provide details of wealth they failed to disclose in their annual tax returns.
The Bill requires the KRA and other agencies to validate foundational data of individuals under their custody with the NIIMS database.
“Upon the commencement of this Act, any agency responsible for a matter set out shall validate foundational data of individuals under their custody with the NIIMS database-registration of taxpayers.”
The Bill defines foundational data to include an individual’s full name, date of birth, place of birth, gender, photograph, biometric data and nationality.
Those who give false information or make false declarations for Huduma Namba registration also face Sh3 million fine or three years in prison. – businessdailyafrica.com
Europeans Airlines have started cancelling flights originating from Kenya because of Covid 19.
Cancellation of your trip – Booking ID 1871448118
Date: 21st December, 2021 – 1:45 PM
Your trip has been cancelled What happens now Hi John, Booking ID: 1871448118 Unfortunately Lufthansa has cancelled its flights for London – Nairobi, departing.
Tired of migrants arriving from Africa, the European Union has created a shadow immigration system that captures them before they reach its shores, and sends them to brutal Libyan detention centres run by militias.
Several makeshift warehouses sit along the highway in Ghout al-Shaal, a worn neighbourhood of auto-repair shops and scrap yards in Tripoli, the capital of Libya. Formerly a storage depot for cement, the site reopened in January 2021, its outer walls heightened and topped with barbed wire
Men in black-and-blue camouflage uniforms, armed with Kalashnikov rifles, stand guard around a blue shipping container that passes for an office. On the gate, a sign reads, “Directorate for Combatting Illegal Migration.” The facility is a secretive prison for migrants. Its name, in Arabic, is Al Mabani — The Buildings.
At 3am on February 5, 2021, Aliou Candé, a sturdy, shy 28-year-old migrant from Guinea-Bissau, arrived at the prison. He had left home a year and a half earlier, because his family’s farm was failing, and had set out to join two brothers in Europe. But as he attempted to cross the Mediterranean Sea on a rubber dinghy, with more than 100 other migrants, the Libyan Coast Guard intercepted them and took them to Al Mabani.
They were pushed inside Cell No. 4, where some 200 others were being held. There was hardly anywhere to sit in the crush of bodies, and those on the floor slid over to avoid being trampled. Overhead were fluorescent lights that stayed on all night. A small grille in the door, about a foot wide, was the only source of natural light. Birds nested in the rafters, their feathers and droppings falling from above. On the walls, migrants had scrawled notes of determination: “A soldier never retreats,” and “With our eyes closed, we advance”. Candé crowded into a far corner and began to panic. “What should we do?” he asked a cellmate.
No one in the world beyond Al Mabani’s walls knew that Candé had been captured. He hadn’t been charged with a crime or allowed to speak to a lawyer, and he was given no indication of how long he’d be detained. In his first days there, he kept mostly to himself, submitting to the grim routines of the place.
The prison is controlled by a militia that euphemistically calls itself the Public Security Agency, and its gunmen patrolled the hallways. About 1,500 migrants were held there, in eight cells, segregated by gender. There was only one toilet for every 100 people, and Candé often had to urinate in a water bottle or defecate in the shower.
Migrants slept on thin floor pads; there weren’t enough to go around, so people took turns — one lay down during the day, the other at night. Detainees fought over who got to sleep in the shower, which had better ventilation. Twice a day, they were marched, single file, into the courtyard, where they were forbidden to look up at the sky or talk. Guards, like zookeepers, put communal bowls of food on the ground, and migrants gathered in circles to eat.
The guards struck prisoners who disobeyed orders with whatever was handy: a shovel, a hose, a cable, a tree branch. “They would beat anyone for no reason at all,” Tokam Martin Luther, an older Cameroonian man who slept on a mat next to Candé’s, told me. Detainees speculated that when someone died, the body was dumped behind one of the compound’s outer walls, near a pile of brick and plaster rubble.
The guards offered migrants their freedom for a fee of 2,500 Libyan dinars — about $500. During meals, the guards walked around with cell phones, allowing detainees to call relatives who could pay. But Candé’s family couldn’t afford such a ransom. Luther told me, “If you don’t have anybody to call, you just sit down.”
In the past six years, the European Union, weary of the financial and political costs of receiving migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, has created a shadow immigration system that stops them before they reach Europe. It has equipped and trained the Libyan Coast Guard, a quasi-military organisation linked to militias in the country, to patrol the Mediterranean, sabotaging humanitarian rescue operations and capturing migrants.
The migrants are then detained indefinitely in a network of profit-making prisons run by the militias. In September of this year, around 6,000 migrants were being held, many of them in Al Mabani. International aid agencies have documented an array of abuses: detainees tortured with electric shocks, children raped by guards, families extorted for ransom, men and women sold into forced labour.
“The EU did something they carefully considered and planned for many years,” Salah Marghani, Libya’s minister of justice from 2012 to 2014, told me. “Create a hellhole in Libya, with the idea of deterring people from heading to Europe.”
Three weeks after Candé arrived at Al Mabani, a group of detainees devised an escape plan. Moussa Karouma, a migrant from Ivory Coast, and several others defecated into a waste bin and left it in their cell for two days until the stench became overpowering. “It was my first time in prison,” Karouma told me. “I was terrified.”
When guards opened the cell door, 19 migrants burst past them. They climbed on top of a bathroom roof, dropped 15 feet over an outer wall, and disappeared into a warren of alleys near the prison. For those who remained, the consequences were bloody. The guards called in reinforcements who sprayed bullets into the cells, then beat the inmates.
“There was one guy in my ward that they beat with a gun on his head until he fainted and started shaking,” a migrant later told Amnesty International. “They didn’t call an ambulance to come get him that night… He was still breathing but he was not able to talk… I don’t know what happened to him… I don’t know what he had done.”
In the weeks that followed, Candé tried to stay out of trouble and clung to a hopeful rumour: the guards planned to release the migrants in his cell in honour of Ramadan, two months away. “The lord is miraculous,” Luther wrote in a journal he kept. “May his grace continue to protect all migrants around the world and especially those in Libya.”
What came to be called the migrant crisis began around 2010, when people fleeing violence, poverty, and the effects of climate change in the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa started flooding into Europe. The World Bank predicts that, in the next 50 years, droughts, crop failures, rising seas, and desertification will displace 150 million more people, mostly from the Global South, accelerating migration to Europe and elsewhere.
In 2015 alone, one million people came to Europe from the Middle East and Africa. A popular route went through Libya, then across the Mediterranean Sea to Italy — a distance of fewer than 200 miles.
Europe had long pressed Libya to help curb such migration. Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s leader, had once embraced Pan-Africanism and encouraged sub-Saharan Africans to serve in the country’s oil fields. But in 2008 he signed a “friendship treaty” with Silvio Berlusconi, the Italian prime minister, that committed him to implementing strict controls. Gaddafi sometimes used this as a bargaining chip: he threatened, in 2010, that if the EU did not send him more than $6 billion a year in aid money, he would “turn Europe Black”. – nation.africa.com